After two very lengthy overviews of the recent blogosphere debates on natural law and gay marriage (see here and here), I am at last going to offer some of my own thoughts and constructive proposals for the debate.  Of course, such postponement as I have here twice indulged in runs the risk of generating too much anticipation for the promised “constructive proposals.”  I fear that if you are expecting any brilliant new solutions to our current quandaries of cultural engagement, or a breakthrough synthesis on the subject of natural law, you will be sorely disappointed.  My aim in this post will remain quite modest, summarizing and developing what I take to be the most helpful proposals made by others and reiterating some points that are perhaps just good common sense.  I lay no claim to originality in what follows.

A Tactical Withdrawal?

In surveying the recent debate, I have suggested that one can dispute the “retreat to commitment” of those prepared to forfeit the claims of the natural law tradition while conceding that they are by and large correct in their diagnosis of its impotence as a contribution to contemporary political debate—on issues such as gay marriage, at any rate.  Does this mean that we ought, while not permanently surrendering the field, to contemplate a tactical withdrawal from the public debate?  After all, the handwriting is on the wall, isn’t it?  The gay marriage agenda, most of our commentators seem to concede, will win the day in the near future, and given that most of our arguments against it seem unintelligible to the wider society, perhaps we might as well conserve our political capital by quieting down on this question and living to fight another day.  I understand those who would reach such a conclusion, and although Christians are always responsible to bear witness against the sins of their societies, it does not follow that they need always be actively agitating on every issue of moral concern to them.  Conservative Christians in the far more secularized societies of Western Europe have learned the need to choose their battles carefully, and perhaps we have reached the point in America where evangelicals have spent so much of their political capital that we must be similarly judicious in the future.

Wedding ringsIndeed, there are several reasons to contemplate such a withdrawal.  For one, perhaps we need to get the log out of our own eye first.  Greg Forster rightly observes that within many evangelical churches today, the favorite accusation of “homophobia” often sticks.  For all our rhetoric of “hating the sin and loving the sinner,” many among us have trouble getting beyond an “Ick!” response to homosexuality, and many evangelical leaders persist in using “sodomy” as the only category for describing and understanding homosexuals.  The very concept of a “gay Christian” is often met with incredulity and contempt.  Until we in evangelical churches can learn to show authentic love and hospitality to those of homosexual orientation, we will be unable to convincingly rebut the charges of Pharisaism that our opponents in the gay marriage debate will throw at us.

For another, we often forget that the crafting of a pluralist and liberal political order was in large part the creation of Christian statesmanship.  Perhaps some of us will want to contest some of the moves in political theology that have been made in the past several centuries that have given us the current arrangement, but if we really want to challenge the liberal order, we’re going to have to be a lot more thoughtful and thoroughgoing than most of us are prepared to be; most of us remain quite happy to benefit from many of the fruits of pluralism.  That being the case, we should remember that our current political order often requires us to learn to co-exist with practices we find repugnant.  If same-sex marriage becomes established law, we will have to learn the exercise of the political virtue of toleration, so we may as well start learning now.  Coexistence, it bears emphasizing, does not require condonement; toleration does not require apathy.  Is is a painful and difficult discipline to hold together conviction and forbearance, but this is a tension we are increasingly called upon to navigate.  Such a posture requires patience, a sense of the penultimacy of the political and a confidence in the lordship of Christ that can accept the loss of a battle today in the knowledge that one is on what will finally be the winning side.

Withdrawal from the current debate also appears attractive because of the unfortunate corner into which we seem to have backed ourselves.  Christians are increasingly seen as the “No” people, the killjoys, the people whose only contribution to public debate is to tell everyone what they can’t do.  This is often undeserved, the inevitable reacting that any normative standards will receive in a libertarian society, but sometimes we bring it upon ourselves.  Any critique of same-sex marriage belongs only in the context of  rich positive Christian vision of sexuality and marriage, and one might reasonably suggest that evangelicals need to take some time off from the political conflict in order to dedicate ourselves to developing such a positive vision.


Such a tactical withdrawal, however, cannot be quite as complete as all that.  Even if we wanted it to be, our culture would not be willing to let us off the hook so easily.  To the reigning libertine ethos, the harboring of private moral objections to a practice is in the end nearly as offensive as the assertion of public legal restraints on the practice.  Indeed, this is always the case with sin.  The sinner cannot rest content with mere external liberty to pursue his desires, so long as he finds himself confronted with those who, if only by their own personal purity, bear witness against his sin.  The promiscuous playboy may find intolerable the resolute chastity of his roommate, even if that roommate never says a word about his behavior.  Likewise, contemporary society is quick to declaim about how “judgmental” Christians are, particularly evangelical ones, and although many of our churches are rife with Pharisaism and lack of charity, we can be too quick sometimes to admit the force of the accusation.  For contemporary society will feel “judged” by us, no matter how silent we remain, so long as our deeds bear witness against their sin.  In other words, no matter how charitable we seek to be, no matter how non-confrontational, so long as we seek to be faithful to Christ as individuals and communities, this faithfulness will be a source of offense.  We see this already in the moves in some quarters to treat Biblical teaching on homosexuality, within a church context, as “hate speech.”

However much we might try to withdraw, then, the battle will keep coming to us.  Our mere presence in society ensures that.  If we are to cause offense anyway, then, we might as well be ready to give an explanation for it.  Perhaps, in the current climate, we should hesitate to be the ones starting the argument, but the argument will come just the same, and we need to be prepared to argue our side of it as persuasively as possible.  The recovery of a rich theology and natural law account of marriage is thus of paramount importance to us, even if we might prefer to concentrate our political efforts in other areas at present.  Moreover, it is of course oversimplistic to speak of what “the Church” should be doing in public debate, because the Church is made up of millions of people, with different gifts and different callings.  Even if we decide that the gay marriage debate should not be a priority for most of us, there will still be plenty of Christians, the Robert Georges of the world, who have been equipped to make these arguments in the contexts where they are given an opportunity to speak, to ensure that the public square is not left without a witness to once universally-held convictions, however little purchase they may seem to have on the public imagination anymore.  Indeed, Edward Feser’s point against Rod Dreher deserves emphasis here.  Inasmuch as the swelling tide of libertine secularism justifies itself with the rhetoric of pluralism, there must be some of us ready to call its bluff and insist on challenging the new orthodoxy in the public square with our troglodyte convictions, rather than permitting our adversaries the comfortable delusion that their position is just self-evident common sense.  Truth will always deserve a hearing, no matter how seemingly obsolete.

In any case, we should also realize that the battle, however much we may contemplate tactical withdrawal, remains of high strategic importance.  To the extent that evangelicals have abandoned the natural law tradition, many have come to imagine that in opposing homosexual marriage we are merely opposing some arbitrary Scriptural dictum which God insisted upon once upon a time, and which we must therefore insist upon as well.  Weary of the bruising culture wars, then, many evangelicals are thus tempted to wonder if the issue really matters that much after all.  Viewed within a more holistic understanding of natural and civic order, however, the social consequences of same-sex marriage are significant and wide-ranging.  Of course, the drive for same-sex marriage is more a symptom than a cause of disordered thinking about society, gender, and marriage, but removing the last vestiges of traditional marriage institutions will clearly accelerate the disorder.  (I highly recommend Alastair Roberts’s recent thoughts on this score.)


Rather than a tactical withdrawal then, I would suggest that a shift in tactics is largely in order.  We need better, deeper, more patient, more creative approaches to the culture war.  And one of the effects of these new approaches will be to challenge the dominant metaphor of “culture war” within which I have been operating thus far (even if the leading alternatives—words such as “engagement” and “dialogue”—are hopelessly vague and woolly).

I will very briefly outline five things that should be part of a better Christian approach to the gay marriage debate: personal engagement, deep critique, retrieval of the foundations, cultivation of the imagination, and leading by example.

1) Personal Engagement

One problem with the metaphor of “culture war” is that, particularly within the context of modern technological warfare, it implies a long-distance, impersonal mode of engagement.  We are great at writing books and blogposts on issues like gay marriage, lobbing our grenades into the public square and hoping to weaken the opposition.  Needless to say, that approach isn’t working.  Perhaps in an earlier, more literate age, when the primary means of discourse was print, such an approach could meet with limited success.  But we are fast reaching the point where most of society, formed on rapid-refresh visual media, is unable to engage with complex, linear, textual arguments.  As Alastair Roberts contended in his Calvinist International posts (here and here), it is not that “natural law arguments” in particular have failed, but that arguments of any kind have little purchase.  Few can be bothered to listen, and fewer still to listen till the end.  We will accomplish little, then, by simply adding more of the same arguments to the public debate, and if we try to gain attention by being louder or more provocative, this will hardly achieve our desired purpose.

Successful persuasion requires long conversations, and long conversations require personal, one-on-one engagement.  Needless to say, a prerequisite to such personal engagement is cultivating friendships with those who disagree, something many of us, growing up in our evangelical ghettoes, are singularly unpracticed in.  We may also be a bit nervous about it, and rightly so.  For such personal engagement puts us in a position of vulnerability, a position of having to revise our preconceptions, retract our mischaracterizations, and learn new things of our own.  Difficult or not, however, this is a discipline that we must learn if we wish to continue to live as salt and light within our world.


2) Deep critique

This theme is picking up on some of the points Peter Escalante made in his “Who Are You Calling a Modernist?” post.  Christian condemnations of the gay marriage agenda will remain ineffective so long as they remain superficial.  Our contemporary ethical confusion is not inexplicable blindness, but the contingent result of ideological currents within the past couple centuries, currents in which many of us Christians have been complicit.  It’s beyond clichéd to blame everything on capitalism, but if we want to bewail the collapse of the family, and the fragmentation of society into a war of monadic, self-interested actors, then we will need to attend to the new patterns of economic production and distribution that helped initiate that dissolution of traditional structures, and that deprived the discourse of the “natural order” of most of its persuasive force.  Likewise, if we want to complain about the sacrifice of public institutions and a concept of the common good to the insatiable demands of individual rights, then we had best start our critique with the libertarian climate of possessive, laissez-faire individualism that dominates so much of our political rhetoric, especially on the Right.  In fact, however, it has often been the case that the voices that are loudest in their denunciation of the “gay rights agenda” have also been those most likely to ostracize any attempting to mount such a “deep critique” of cherished right-wing values.


3) Retrieving foundations

Several of the essays I looked at in the two-part survey prior to this post emphasised that, if our society no longer understands the natural law, this is hardly an excuse for abandoning the concept.  On the contrary, we must embark on the long and grueling task of re-educating contemporaries (starting within the Church) on the building blocks of the Christian philosophical and political tradition, and on the basics of how to construct, advance, and digest a rational argument.  This will be a very long-term endeavour, but without it, any triumphs we do gain in public debate are sure to be short-lived.  Of course, Peter Leithart is equally correct that we need a revival of biblical literacy within our churches.  If our critique of same-sex marriage is supposed to proceed from a rich positive vision of marriage and sexuality, then we must work to regain the biblical understanding necessary to perceive and re-present that vision.


4) Cultivation of the imagination

Peter Leithart is also right in his contention that we need a “renaissance of Christian imagination.”  Of course, the objections to his prescription stemmed not merely from its biblicist contention that “the only arguments we have are theological ones,” but also from what could be read as a retreat to aestheticism, an abandonment of the demands of rational argument in favor of a strategy that depends merely on wooing our opponents with something pretty.  By emphasizing the need for a recovery of reason under the previous heading, I hope I have made clear that such a retreat to aestheticism cannot be the basis for a Christian politics.  Nonetheless, there is something to be said for learning how to “be all things to all men.”  In a society where few people know how, or have the patience, to process complex verbal arguments, there is nothing wrong with learning to speak to them in terms that they can more easily understand.  For our society, that means arts and media.

Greg Forster says something of this sort at The Gospel Coalition, writing that “We know the truth about sexuality and can therefore describe it accurately. We can tell stories that make people say, “Yes, that’s the truth about life.”  Telling such stories will often take place through media such as film, which offers an extremely powerful way of depicting the flaws in broken relationships and the beauty of rightly-ordered ones.  I’m not suggesting that conservative Christian filmmakers go to Hollywood and start making films depicting broken, angst-ridden gay relationships—I somehow doubt that would get very far—but there is room for filmmaking that offers beautiful portrayals of marriage and sexuality as it should be.  So much of contemporary cultural opposition to traditional models of marriage and family is that they’ve never seen it done well.  It’s like the student who decides he hates history because he had one dry, dull history teacher in high school.  You won’t persuade him by lecturing him on the importance of history as a subject, but by exposing him to the study of history as it’s meant to be—an exciting adventure of story-telling and mystery-solving.  If Christians can capture the imaginations of our culture with a compelling vision of God-given sexuality, we may again have a fighting chance in defending the institution of mariage.


5) Leading by example

This last point is really just an extension of the previous one.  We can’t all be filmmakers or song-writers or even good story-tellers.  But we can all do our part to offer the world beautiful portrayals of marriage and sexuality as it should be.  Whether it be through loving, mutually-submissive but gender-differentiated marriage, or through pure, self-sacrificial singleness, each of us has an opportunity to do our bit in the fight for marriage by modelling for the world a better way.  By modelling joyful obedience to God’s sexual order, we can show that we’re not just naysaying because we don’t like people to have fun, but because obedience leads to flourishing.  Of course, we shouldn’t be naive or insensitive as we do this, pretending that it would all be easy for homosexuals if they just repented of their desires or decided to be celibate.  Wesley Hill has written beautifully and powerfully on the pain and brokenness of the gay experience, and just because we believe that for most people, and for society as a whole, God-given sexual order leads to joy and flourishing, this does not mean that some will have difficulty sharing in this joy.  To them, we must be always loving, always hospitable, offering ourselves as faithful companions on a painful journey.  But this should not make us so afraid of offending that we never dare to declare the beauty of Christian marriage.


Of course, after all this (especially after summoning desperately sinful spouses like myself to help show the world what Christian marriage looks like), we should remember that we live by faith and not by works.  It is Christ’s kingship, not our ingenuity, that will preserve society from dissolution, that will draw all people to himself, and it is all too easy to lose sight of that fact in our hand-wringing about the failure of our arguments, and our quest for “new methods.”  In the end, our task is not to win the world over through our wit and wisdom, but to witness to Christ, and trust in his victory.

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Posted by Brad Littlejohn

Brad Littlejohn (PhD University of Edinburgh, 2013) is a Senior Fellow with the Edmund Burke Foundation and President of the Davenant Institute, author in the fields of Reformation studies, Christian ethics, and political theology.


  1. Thanks for this post. I wonder if you could expand a bit more on “deep critique.” In particular, do you think it’s possible to think more deeply about these issues and explain that reasoning to a large audience? Or do you have in mind a critique that is primarily carried out in an academic (or some other elite) setting and not intended for a general audience? I suspect you think it’s possible to be both scholarly and popular, but do you think that at this time our energies should be focused in one of those directions rather than another?


    1. Good question, Gary. When I said “deep,” I didn’t mean in the sense of complex and hard to grasp, but simply in the sense of going to the root of things. In the present case, I would say that there are quite a number of roots to be examined, philosophical, political, and economic. All of these will have an academic and scholarly dimension, in which the critique is developed as rigorously as possible, but many of them should be pretty easy to translate into a popular form as well. I think I could explain to any educated layman how it is that liberal individualism and the libertarianism of the Right share common assumptions and common consequences. Likewise, it’s not difficult to trace the connection between the rise of capitalism (even if you’re convinced that’s otherwise a good thing) and the breakdown of traditional family dynamics, and suggest links between that breakdown and the current confusion over marriage. Any such popular-level exposition should ultimately be backed up by rigorous scholarly arguments, though, so I don’t think we should think in terms of devoting our energies more to one side than to the other. We need people who can do both.


      1. Thomas K. Johnson April 17, 2013 at 3:48 pm

        As I have argued for many years, our engagement as Christians in all of culture has to use multiple methods, including at least a multi-faceted critique (of ideas, practices, expectations); a correlational response showing the way in which the biblical message answers the deep questions, needs, and anxieties particular to a particular person or group of people; the construction of new and living alternate cultural models within the Christian community; and the contribution of those new cultural creations into the wider culture, which is possible because God’s natural moral law already forms the transcendental condition of that culture. See


      2. Thomas K. Johnson April 17, 2013 at 4:08 pm

        I would also add that our discussion of God’s natural moral law has to be understood within the framework of the entirety of God’s general revelation as well as the two-fold work of God in the world. We are not only dealing with a few arguments that might or might not gain traction in the culture wars of one particular country. I have developed a continuing series of articles on this theme at the website of the World Reformed Fellowship, Click current issues.


  2. I came to my own conclusions about a “tactical retreat” when I finally saw the “front lines” of the human to human side of the debate. How many people identifying as homosexual do you know? I say so because I think a key element is we forget that the theological debate is for Christians, the human to human conversation is what the outside world should be hearing. I know it sounds elementary but the average gay person on the street is not a philosopher of his gender orientation. They don’t have complex thoughts about Augustine and Aquinas and Natural Law. In fact, as my coworker (who is gay) said, “I really love my cousins (who are Christian) but I’m afraid of freaking them out or offending them…I really like them though.” As far as I’m concerned, a tactical retreat should be strongly considered the day we stopped being known for our love, the day people started saying “I like Jesus, …its just the Christians I can’t stand.” I’ve had the phrase said to me several times. We, the “followers” are not known for following….


    1. Thanks for this. This is what I was trying to get at in the section on “Personal Engagement.” As I’ve tried to argue here, though, ultimately this doesn’t constitute a withdrawal, which implies disengagement, but a shift of our focus to a different kind of engagement. But you’re exactly right to raise the question, “How many people identifying as homosexual do you know?” For me, that answer was “zero” until I was 19, and just “one” until I was 21, and I’ve still got a long way to go. We need to rethink models of Christian education that try to avoid exposing young people to anything outside their comfort zone all the way to adulthood.


      1. Hi Brad, thanks for this post. Although I’m approaching this issue from a different perspective, I have every interest in empathising with your arguments, and trying to understand your reasons for the anti-gay marriage position. You clearly spell out the discussion, and for that I thank you. Towards the end, you mention Wesley Hill’s beautiful and powerful writings on the pain and brokenness of the gay experience, and – in response to the above comment by SJ – I wondered if this links through to your known experiences of others’ gay relationships? I’m interested if this might be a point of contact and discussion for us. Many thanks!


        1. I don’t know quite what you mean SimonJ, the people who I’ve come across were completely outside the christian bubble so very Christian theory about struggling for God’s “higher purpose” wasn’t really a thought.

          That said, I’m currently majoring in gender studies at a secular university in hopes of shedding some light on this topic within the church. What “brokenness” I can see is something far simpler to address. In many ways I feel like the church has turned a blind eye to the suffering of those within the homosexual community. The obvious response is that “they are living in sin,” but if Christ had waited for us to stop living in sin we would have all been lost. Much more, for what reason did AIDs spread in epidemic proportions in Africa if it weren’t adultery yet we as the church came in droves. Now within our own country this “people group” (if you will) has one of the highest suicide rates. Listening closely every single person I’ve heard does has more than one truly heartbreaking story of how they have been disowned from people they love. Surely this is not supposed to be our legacy on the earth.


        2. Simon,
          I’m not sure I have too much to elaborate with here. As I said, I have fairly little experience thus far with gay individuals—Christian or otherwise—and their struggles. Reading Wesley’s writing on this, and getting to know him through some subsequent conversations, is my main point of contact with this subject. But it has been enough to convince me that the common mindset within evangelical circles, which rarely gets beyond peremptory calls for them to “stop living in sin” (as SJ mentions below), and is sometimes much worse than that, needs serious reconsideration.
          There should be a way to maintain the traditional Christian teaching against homosexual practice that nonetheless proceeds from a standpoint of humility, recognizing the extent to which each of us falls short of God’s calling to holiness.


  3. All of these are spot-on… and none of them involve political agitation for specific policy proposals re: marriage. ;-)

    …and I would suggest that a big part of that is because a genuinely biblical view of culture does not view the passing of laws prohibiting certain sins as the lynchpin of cultural renewal (which I realize is not the *stated* worldview of most people interested in renewing the culture, but it’s awful hard to tell it sometimes from how they talk.)


    1. Matthew, I agree about the need to be hesitant in agitating for specific policy proposals, or at least, the need to be open-minded, and allow for a variety of different policy proposals. Neither Scripture nor natural law dictate such laws for us with any kind of precision. But if you’re suggesting that we shouldn’t really be worrying about passing laws at all, because cultural renewal lies elsewhere, then I only half-agree. Yes, it’s true that without broader-based cultural renewal, with changed hearts, changed habits, changed relationships, then laws aren’t going to get very far. But it’s also true that without good laws, broader-based cultural renewal isn’t going to get very far. Laws are the sinews of the commonwealth, without which it remains impotent. So Christians are right to seek political involvement, they’re just wrong to do so impatiently, without a sense of its eschatological provisionality, and dogmatically, without a sense of the range of factors and plausible solutions that politics involves.

      Or, if your concern is specifically with laws “prohibiting certain sins,” see my comment above.


      1. I certainly agree that good laws are an important part of cultural renewal. I have not seen any convincing arguments that laws prohibiting gay marriage are helpful in protecting “traditional” marriage.


        1. Certainly, they are insufficient in themselves. Our cultural and legal system has become increasingly geared toward a devaluation of traditional marriage, and the legalization of gay marriage would simply be another factor accelerating the decline, but not the cause of it per se. However, that does not mean there is no point speaking up on this point. I commend to you Alastair Roberts’ arguments on this point here:


          1. Thanks for sharing. I can’t say that I’ve been convinced that laws prohibiting gay marriage are good for traditional marriages, but it’s certainly good food for thought.

  4. I agree with this aricle as it makes some excellent points but I am wondering …was the church ever this upset when adultery was being made legal? Just curious!


    1. Kathleen,
      There’s an important difference between the government opting not to prosecute a sin (as in the case of adultery) and providing a positive legal imprimatur on a sin (as in the case of gay marriage). There are many sins that need not be crimes, even if they have been in the past—some which were once crimes, and shouldn’t be; some which were, and should still be; and some which were, and could legitimately go either way, depending on circumstances. For adultery to be “made legal,” means that the government no longer thinks that it is in the common good to prosecute violations against the marriage bond—although of course, adultery still remains a legitimate ground for divorce, and so the laws still recognize it as a violation of the marriage bond, only the initiative is now with the aggrieved party, rather than with the state prosecutor. The parallel case to this is not gay marriage, but the repealment of sodomy laws. In these cases, governments have said, “You know what? We no longer think it makes sense to go punish people for what they do in the privacy of their own bedrooms.”

      While the gay rights lobby wants to treat gay marriage as just an extension of this, it’s a fundamentally different issue. For no longer are we talking about whether the government will refrain from prosecuting a practice as a crime, but whether it will create a positive legal framework for the encouragement and support of the practice. Marriage is not just some private activity that the government either chooses to permit or not permit, which is how many people seem to think of it today, but a public institution, in which the public authority gives formal recognition to, legal protection to, and a set of civil privileges to the union of two individuals into a single legal unit. This is what we are supposed to be contesting. From this standpoint, if the government gives such recognition and privileges to a union which should not qualify for them, it has negative ramifications for the institution as a whole and society as a whole—it’s not merely a matter of letting people get away with something that we consider a sin.

      Admittedly, a lot of Christian rhetoric on this issue is confused, and comes across as something like, “Gay sex is a sin, therefore the government should restrict it as much as possible, or at the very least, avoid making it any easier.” And when that’s the argument, it’s very easy to point out hypocrisy.


      1. Sounds like you’re saying it’s not good for society based on a secular argument. Isn’t the basis for Christians a biblical argument which is why these two viewpoints don’t cross. The secular society doesn’t want a religious viewpoint dictating & I understand this …what I don’t find convincing is when Christians try to argue against same sex marriage with secular arguments when the bible is what guides our worldview, hence our diagreement with it. Were we not Christians & still in darkness, we too would be forging ahead for homosexual equality would we not? I guess I believe that Christians have to stop trying to fight the world’s views with worldly arguments & not be afraid to stand up & admit that we oppose same sex marriage because it’s contrary to the scriptures & violates our conscience to do so. Persecuted Christians throughout history suffered for their stand for biblical truths …the fact it’s not good for society to me is really a secondary argument.


        1. Kathleen,
          The relationship of biblical and, as you’re calling them, “secular arguments” is a subject that I gave a lot of attention to in the first two parts of the series, of which this post is the third (see the links in the first paragraph). But those posts are very lengthy and involved, so let me try and give a short answer here.

          The problem with what you say here is it seems to presuppose that the Bible is arbitrary, that God forbids same sex marriage “just cuz” and that we, therefore, if we are to be faithful to him, must oppose it simply on the grounds that “God said so.” But this isn’t to be true either to the revelation of Scripture or the character of God. Where Scripture gives us a blueprint of morality, it is based upon the fact of creation, the order that God has given to the world that he made, and particularly to the human race that he made. God wants us to live a certain way because he made us a certain way, and therefore certain things are good for us and certain things are bad for us. Same-sex marriage runs up against the problem that “male and female he created them”—something you don’t even need the Bible to recognize. Because of this fact, the fact that the morality of Scripture is rooted in creation, rooted in human nature, we should expect that to live in accord with that morality will lead, on the whole, to human flourishing, and conversely, that to violate that morality will lead to disorder, death, and decay.
          In short, we have very good reason to say that resisting Biblical moral teaching will be bad for society. And if that is the case, then to argue that same sex marriage is harmful to society is not to desert Scripture for “secular” or “worldly” arguments, but to argue as those convinced that God is creator and king, and one cannot succeed in trying to make the world function differently than he made it.
          Because our case is anchored on created nature, it is not true that if we were not Christians, we would necessarily be pushing for homosexual marriage as well. In fact, until the last few decades, no non-Christians in any societies ever did so. There is no reason that we need to grant that the case for homosexual marriage is a completely rational and obvious one for anyone who doesn’t accept Christ. I would encourage to read this for a fuller statement of this case:


  5. I am very encouraged by this.

    There are already those who are committed to this type of engagement and who have tried to point to some of the truths you are making. Mark Greene at LICC for example, he pointed out several years ago that there were no “safe spaces” for gay Christians in the congregations he knew.

    We really need to move this debate on. The present battle ground is a disaster for our faith, even if we are seen to disagree we need to be seen disagreeing in a better and Christian way.

    Our home is always open to you. If you or any brothers and sisters wish to come and engage with us in the way being advocated here, let me say, it would be a delight! You are welcome to stay overnight or for the weekend.


  6. I was especially impressed with your emphasis on Christians in the arts and media. Film and music are exceptionally powerful and, if mastered, can reach people at their core of desire, rather than trying to “reason” with them, for man is a desiring creature first, as James K.A. Smith has elucidated in Desiring the Kingdom. The Bible contains much more in the way of narrative and story than it does propositional truth…narrative and story that reach into the the depths of human complexity and depravity and form the foundation for the propositional truth.


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